#First100Days Crash Course: Week 9

Coinciding with Trump’s first 100 days in Office — a period of time historically used as a benchmark to measure the potential of a new president — PRA will share readings, videos, and tools for organizing to inform our collective resistance based on principles for engaging the regime, defending human rights, and preventing authoritarianism. Daily readings will be posted on our Facebook and Twitter accounts and archived HERE.


Opposition to LGBTQ equality has long been both a fundamental value and useful political tool for many American conservative organizations, especially those associated with the Christian Right. Even as visibility and mainstream acceptance of LGBTQ people grows, homophobia and transphobia continue to serve as key ingredients in the Christian Right’s ongoing “pro-family” campaign, which enforces a Biblically mandated heterosexuality, champions gender essentialism or “complementarity,” and prioritizes procreation.

Featured resources:

Additional Readings:

Media (Click to download):



Engage: Schools in Transition


A guide for parents, students, educators, administrators and other stakeholders are working together to determine the best ways to support transgender students. This guide highlights best practices while offering strategies for building upon and aligning them with each school’s culture.

Check out the guide HERE.

A Dystrumpian Vision for LGBTQ People

Co-authored by Scot Nakagawa

San Francisco City Hall. Photo: Tom Hilton via Flickr.

Many are called but few are chosen during any presidential transition. That’s why it’s illuminating to consider who Donald Trump has chosen from the parade of possibilities for his transition team and senior administration appointments so far— and what they may portend for LGBTQ people.

The Christian Right, with few exceptions, backed the Trump ticket, with over 80 percent of White evangelicals voting for him, and now they’re being rewarded with traditional forms of political patronage. They’re scoring major appointments and have won a say in personnel and policy decisions on a scale far surpassing anything seen since the movement first arrived in Washington with the Reagan administration in 1980.

Since Trump himself has never held the kinds of values or displayed the kind of personal behavior prized by conservative Christians—and barely passes as any kind of a Christian at all—he and his backers needed a theological rationale for the Christian Right’s support. They found justification in biblical examples of God-anointed leaders who were ungodly themselves but who nevertheless delivered for God’s people. Christian Right leaders presented Trump in this way, it was broadly accepted by their followers, and Trump is now evidently making good on the deal.

Let’s look first at two early warnings from which all the rest flows.

The first is an important campaign promise affecting LGBTQ people. In November 2016, Trump told 60 Minutes that he was “fine” with gay marriage; at the Republican National Convention he described himself as “a supporter” of the LGBTQ community, and said he considers marriage equality a “settled” matter. But none of those statements amount to promises to LGBTQ people, to whom he is sending mixed messages He has also promised the Christian Right he would consider appointing justices who would overturn Obergefell v. Hodges, the decision that guarantees same-sex couples the right to marry.

Secondly, Trump has also positioned himself in the camp of establishing dangerously broad religious exemptions from all laws aimed at ensuring LGBTQ civil rights. He promised he would sign the First Amendment Defense Act (FADA) if it reached his desk. FADA, which was first introduced in 2015 and now has substantial support in both houses of Congress, would legalize discrimination in the name of “religious belief or moral conviction,” requiring nothing more than someone’s say so. The scope of the Act appears to primarily affect government departments and agencies, and federal contractors and grantees, including entities that may require federal accreditation or licensing, such as universities and hospitals. And maybe more.

Under FADA, denial of service could take many forms beyond matters of wedding cakes, flowers, and photographers, to include allowing hospitals to refuse treatment to LGBTQ people (or their children), businesses to refuse health benefits to a same-sex partner, and child welfare workers to keep a child in foster care as opposed to placing them with a loving and qualified same-sex couple. If that’s not enough, FADA exempts non-profit organizations and businesses from non-discrimination standards. The proposal’s implications go well beyond issues of direct discrimination. FADA might allow federal employees to refuse being involved in processing federal benefits and rights claims to which they conscientiously object, such as any involving married same-sex couples. The bill exempts “any person regardless of religious affiliation, including corporations and other entities regardless of for-profit or nonprofit status” from following non-discrimination codes on the basis of religious beliefs.

If this is the benchmark approach to policy (regardless of the immediate future of the legislation itself) the federal government will be leading efforts to reverse historic gains of recent decades—attacking the basis for LGBTQ freedom and the dignity and rights of everyone else for whom a religious justification for denying service can be made.

But there’s more.

Trump’s selection of Mike Pence as his vice president was a transformational moment in the campaign, and arguably in American history. Pence may be best known for his theocratic political identity, proudly explaining at the 2010 Values Voter Summit in 2010, for example, that he is “a Christian, a conservative, and a Republican, in that order.” Donald Trump, via his son Donald Jr., reportedly called an aide to his first choice for veep, Governor John Kasich of Ohio, and told him that a president Trump would put Kasich in charge of both foreign and domestic policy, while the president himself would be in charge of “making America great again.” Pence hasn’t said whether he got the same deal, but his role as chair of the transition team suggests that he is already among the most powerful vice presidents in American history.

This does not bode well.

Pence’s tenure as governor of Indiana was marked by his signing a version of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, a law that would make discrimination against same-sex couples legally defensible. Pence signed the Act in the company of his state’s Christian Right leadership, marking him as a movement leader himself. Following national outcry, the legislature passed an amendment that explicitly stated that such discrimination was not the intent of the law.

Unsurprisingly, given both Trump and Pence’s history and views, much of the Christian Right agenda, particularly with regards to anything that affects LGBTQ people, will probably come wrapped in the flag of religious freedom. Some leading indicators of the direction the administration will take in this regard are visible in the transition team that’s proposing staff for the new administration and the appointments and nominations that have resulted from their work so far.

Ken Blackwell heads domestic issues for the transition team. A longtime Christian Right pol from Ohio, he is Senior Fellow for Human Rights and Constitutional Governance at the Family Research Council, the leading Christian Right lobby in Washington, D.C. Blackwell also serves on the board of the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, a Christian Right legal group that promotes religion based exemptions from the law.

Ed Meese leads the transition team for the Office of Management and Budget. He is one of the architects of FADA and served as Attorney General in the Reagan administration. He is joined by Kay Cole James, the former dean of the Pat Robertson School of Government at Regent University and a former head of the federal Office of Personnel Management. These figures know how the federal government works and how to ensure their people are well represented among the 4,000 positions that need to be filled in the West Wing of the White House, and throughout the federal government over the course of the Trump administration and beyond.

Ken Klukowski serves on the part of the transition team focusing on executive authority, responsible for “protecting constitutional rights.” He is the senior counsel for the Texas-based First Liberty Institute (formerly the Liberty Institute), a leading Christian Right legal group focused on religious exemptions from the law, especially LGBTQ rights. He is also the senior legal editor for Breitbart News.

Dr. Ben Carson is one of twelve vice-chairs of the transition team and Trump’s nominee for Secretary of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). Carson is a Christian Right leader and anti-LGBTQ ideologue known for harsh rhetoric in support of his beliefs. Carson has associated being LGBTQ with polygamy, pedophilia, and bestiality. He thinks that transgender people are “the height of absurdity” and he claims that marriage equality is a Marxist plot that may lead the country to go the way of the Roman Empire. He has characterized the kind of public housing he would oversee at HUD as “communism” and as Secretary he could undermine if not reverse the Obama administration’s efforts to curb discrimination against LGBTQ people in housing.

Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-AL) is a vice-chair of the transition team and Trump’s nominee for Attorney General. A senior member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Sessions is also a co-sponsor of FADA. The Huffington Post headlined an article about his nomination, “Pick Any LGBTQ Rights Issue. Jeff Sessions Has Voted Against It.” His Senate chief of staff, Rick Dearborn, is the executive director of the transition team.

Rep. Tom Price (R-GA) is nominated to be Secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). Price’s House voting record received a 0% rating from the Human Rights Campaign. He is a co-sponsor of FADA and supports a constitutional amendment to overturn Obergefell v. Hodges.

Betsy DeVos, Trump’s nominee for Secretary of Education, is a longtime financier of Christian Right projects, particularly in the area of school privatization. Politico reports that DeVos has said her work in education is intended to “advance God’s kingdom.” She and her family, heirs to the Amway corporate fortune, have a long record of underwriting Christian Right and anti-LGBTQ projects and organizations for the same reason. They have donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to organizations that believe in “conversion therapy”; they are major backers of Focus on the Family, whose founder, James Dobson, called the battle against LGBTQ rights a “second civil war.” (Liberty University president Jerry Falwell Jr., who steadfastly supported Trump through the campaign, was Trump’s first choice for secretary. Falwell said he declined in order to attend to other obligations.)

President-elect Donald Trump’s transition team and top level appointments should be taken as clear indicators of the direction of the Trump administration with regard to the dignity and civil rights of LGBTQ people. And if past is prologue, what Mr. Trump says may not be nearly as important as what he does. Continued vigilance regarding what his appointees do in his name will be vital.

Frederick Clarkson is Senior Fellow at PRA. Scot Nakagawa is a Senior Partner of ChangeLab, a national racial justice think-act laboratory, and served as Fight the Right Organizer of the National LGBTQ Task Force.

VIDEO: An Unexpected Voice for Gender Justice at Kenyan WCF Meeting

Poster for the African Regional Conference on Families, which took place on September 23-25th.

Poster for the African Regional Conference on Families, which took place on September 23-25th.

Last week, about a hundred people gathered in Nairobi, Kenya, for the African Regional Conference of Families, a regional conference for the World Congress of Families (WCF). The WCF, a U.S.-based international coalition of Religious Right groups dedicated to a very limited notion of “the natural family,” uses its frequent international convenings to develop and disseminate right-wing strategy. WCF uses deceptive “pro-family” rhetoric to promote conservative ideologies, which are then codified into regressive laws and policies that criminalize LGBTQ people and abortion.

Anti-gay and anti-abortion activist Don Feder, WCF’s Coalitions Director and Coordinator of Regional Conferences, opened the gathering with a speech in which he acknowledged WCF as the official sponsor of the Nairobi conference. Aside from presenting the sexual rights movement as a new form of slavery, Feder called on participants to work together to defend the natural family, which he described as “the institution on which the fate of humanity hinges.” But he also denied climate change as a hoax of the sexual revolution—a claim Michael Hichborn of the U.S. anti-abortion Lepanto Institute made the center of his presentation. Sharon Slater of the U.S.-based Family Watch International called on participants to oppose Comprehensive Sexual Education, denouncing the use of condoms and calling for abstinence only sex ed instead.

Other speakers included Alfred Rotich, a Catholic bishop from the Kenyan Conference of Catholic Bishops, who linked abortion to “accompanying vices such as necrophilia, bestiality, pedophilia, same-sex relationships as well as calls for free sex and reproductive health services for children!” Various speakers followed Rotich’s lead in linking LGBTQ issues and calls for greater reproductive rights in Africa with foreign interests and funders.

All of this was a familiar WCF script, but this time things didn’t go as planned. Just after WCF African representative Theresa‎ Okafor repeated the Christian Right claim that trans people are mentally ill—and blamed their identity on contraceptives—Gathoni Muchomba, a renowned Kenyan radio host, took the stage. In addition to being a famous media personality, Muchomba is the director of Gamafrica, a Kenyan NGO that recently launched a new initiative dedicated to supporting children with intersex conditions and their families. Although she was not included on the original list of speakers announced a day before the conference, from the podium, Muchomba issued a surprising call for the inclusion of intersex people in the new National Family Promotion and Protection Policy that was recently proposed by Kenya’s Ministry of Labor, a co-sponsor of the WCF Nairobi meeting.

Muchomba is hardly a traditional LGBTQI ally: she conflates gender identity and sexual orientation; didn’t know the meaning of the LGBTQI acronym; and warned that if Kenya doesn’t address intersex and trans issues, it won’t be able to fight “lesbianism.” And yet she nonetheless used her platform at WCF to bring attention to the suffering of intersex children, and unwittingly advanced the cause of sexual minorities.

Among the people who have motivated Muchomba’s advocacy is James Karanja, an intersex man who was raised as a girl. After declaring his gender identity as an adult, Karanja was treated as an outcast, but he has persisted in fighting for legal recognition as a man so that he can pursue a college education.

During her speech, Muchomba invited Karanja to address the WCF audience directly. Karanja (who does not identify as gay or transgender), told the right-wing gathering about the shame he experienced at his all-girls school, where he woke up at 3am to shower before his classmates arose; how he was later suspended because he was attracted to other girls; and how his mother suffered a mental breakdown after he came out as a man and said he was changing his name.

“I don’t want to see another child go through what I went through,” Karanja told the crowd.

James Karanja tells his story at the World Congress of Families-sponsored African Regional Conference of Families. See video below. (Photo: Political Research Associates)

James Karanja tells his story at the World Congress of Families-sponsored African Regional Conference of Families. See video below. (Photo: Political Research Associates)

WCF delegates heard a number of alarming stories about sexual minorities who are forced to live as outcasts, including a child who was raised as a boy but later came out as a girl, and who, like James, was subsequently forced to leave school. The public sharing of these stories comes just weeks after Kenyan parliamentarian Isaac Mwaura ‎asked lawmakers to consider a bill recognizing and accepting intersex people—a proposal that resulted from Muchomba and Karanja’s activism.

Although Mwaura’s proposed bill and Muchomba’s advocacy suggest advances in intersex and gender rights activism, the WCF poses a dangerous threat to this fragile progress, casting gender and sexual minorities as mentally ill. But amid their forum, Karanja delivered a message they won’t soon forget: that Africa has sexual minorities, and they are not a curse.

Karanja’s speech shocked the audience and was the talk of the conference during lunch and tea breaks. In response to Muchomba’s and Karanja’s unexpected departure from WCF positions, the conference speakers who followed them worked hard to dismiss Karanja’s story. Some blamed his experiences on his failure to obtain hormonal therapy as a child. (Many United Nations human rights bodies have recognized that medically unnecessary, non-consensual surgeries and other interventions on intersex children amount to human rights violations.) In an interview with me, Joshua Nwachukwu, the Nigerian co-founder of the African Organization for Families, a WCF affiliate and co-host of the conference, indicated that Karanja chose to be male. Had he sought medical care, Nwachukwu argued, Karanja “would have remained a girl.”

But some attendees seemed moved to at least reconsider their previous positions. Bishop Rotich told me that Karanja’s story illustrated the need for pastoral resources for caring for intersex people. That suggests the possibility that while African conference-goers may forget the abstract speeches of U.S. culture warriors like Sharon Slater, Don Feder, and Michael Hichborn, Karanja’s strong testimony on the need for dignity, respect, and rights may have a more lasting impact.

On September 23, Kenyan media personality Gathoni Muchomba and James Karanja speak on intersex rights in Nairobi, Kenya, at the World Congress of Families-sponsored African Regional Conference of Families. Karanja’s speech begins at 9:30. (Video filmed by Political Research Associates).

The Christian Right on the Gender Frontier: The Growing Anti-Trans Offensive

Click here to download the article as a PDF.

This article appears in the Summer 2016 edition of The Public Eye magazine.

In June 2014, TIME magazine declared that the U.S. had reached the “transgender tipping point” and was venturing toward trans inclusion as its next “civil rights frontier.”1That month’s cover featured Laverne Cox, a Black transgender actress famous for her portrayal of Sophia Burset on the popular television series Orange is the New Black. The accompanying coverage inside the magazine— which included an extensive “Transgender 101” article, a photo essay portraying a diverse range of transgender people and experiences, a nuanced exploration of the various obstacles faced by trans people, and a personal interview with Cox—was hailed by ThinkProgress’ Zach Ford as “perhaps the most positive and in-depth representation of transgender life experiences ever presented in mainstream print media.”2

The following year, a record number of transgender women were killed in the United States.

Who’s Under Attack?

In 2015, 23 trans women3 were murdered in this country. Though not all of these deaths have been labeled “hate crimes,” the shared thread of trans feminine identity is indicative of an undeniably heightened threat to trans women. Research from the National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs indicates that the majority of victims of hate violence homicides are trans women,4 and NCAVP described the 2015 crisis as “epidemic” in proportion.5 Unfortunately, the rate of targeted violence and persecution against trans and gender-nonconforming people shows no signs of waning.

People protesting the anti-trans HB 2 head to the North Carolina legislative building during the Moral Monday rally on April 25th, 2016. (Photo: Nathania Johnson via Flickr/CC).

All across the country, and in various areas of public life, manifestations of anti-trans sentiment are actually on the rise, in forms that extend far beyond physical violence. So far, 2016 has seen at least 44 anti-trans bills proposed in 16 states, aimed at putting an already vulnerable community at even greater risk for harassment, abuse, ostracization, and discrimination.6 This unprecedented wave of legislative attacks against trans and gender-nonconforming people isn’t restricted to Red States, rural communities, or the Bible Belt. Neither spontaneous nor coincidental, it’s the result of a nationally coordinated effort led by the Christian Right.

North Carolina proved the strength and viability of this effort in March 2016, when the state’s General Assembly approved House Bill 2 (HB 2),7 which invalidated the recent expansion of nondiscrimination protections for LGBTQ individuals in the city of Charlotte, and additionally prevented all municipalities in the state from adding any new protections. Charlotte’s ordinance would have, among other things, granted transgender individuals the right to use public facilities that correspond to the gender with which they identify.

Governor Pat McCrory signed the bill—described by Sarah Preston, acting Executive Director of the ACLU of North Carolina, as “the most extreme anti-LGBT bill in the nation”—following a one-day special session called expressly for the purpose of eliminating Charlotte’s expanded nondiscrimination ordinance, costing taxpayers $42,000.8 (It should be noted that HB 2 was an attack on more than just LGBTQ people. The bill also gutted the North Carolina Equal Employment Practices Act, which had provided core anti-discrimination protections for workers, making North Carolina one of only two states in the country without any state law protecting private sector employees from workplace discrimination. Additionally, HB 2 gave the state the power to override local efforts to increase the minimum wage.9)

McCrory had previously stated that Charlotte’s nondiscrimination policy would “create major public safety issues by putting citizens in possible danger from deviant actions by individuals taking improper advantage of a bad policy.”10

These talking points reflect the handiwork of the coalition of national players behind the bill. Over the last several years, right-wing opponents of social justice have steadily honed their anti-trans tactics and rhetoric. We’re now seeing the effects of their well-resourced, diligent campaigning.

His/Her/Hirstory: How did we get here?

A frontier is often understood to be that edge between the known and the unknown, the settled and the wild. For some, it’s a place of adventure and possibility, but for others—especially those who already live there—familiar territories that are suddenly deemed “frontiers” can quickly become places of great danger.

TIME’s use of the term “frontier” in its 2014 “transgender tipping point” cover story might have foreshadowed this pending surge of anti-trans attacks. A frontier is often understood to be that edge between the known and the unknown, the settled and the “wild.” For some, it’s a place of adventure and possibility, but for others—especially those who already live there—familiar territories that are suddenly deemed “frontiers” can quickly become places of great danger, thanks to the encroachment of invading pioneers.

And in this contemporary gender frontier, the Christian Right is on the attack, using flawed religious rhetoric and claims of “protecting women and children” to support an onslaught of transphobic violence and oppression.

The tropes at play are familiar. In the 1970s, Anita Bryant’s anti-gay “Save Our Children” campaign equated homosexuality with pedophilia in order to mobilize voters to repeal a Florida county’s anti-discrimination ordinance that protected gay and lesbian citizens in employment, housing, and public accommodations. Today’s opponents to nondiscrimination protections for transgender people echo similar fear-mongering myths.

Nondiscrimination Protections for LGBTQ People (click here to expand)

Currently, federal law prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, religion, national origin, sex, disability, and pregnancy or childbirth.78
In July 2014, President Obama signed Executive Order 13672, expanded these protections to include “sexual orientation” and “gender identity” in hiring and employment on the part of federal government contractors and sub-contractors. These categories of protection also exist for the federal civilian workforce.

Some states and municipalities have also elected to independently expand nondiscrimination protections to include sexual orientation and gender identity, but 32 states still lack clear, fully inclusive nondiscrimination protections for LGBTQ people.79

The Equality Act, proposed in 2015, would change this by establishing explicit, permanent protections against discrimination based on an individual’s sexual orientation or gender identity in matters of employment, housing, access to public places, federal funding, credit, education and jury service. Additionally, it would prohibit discrimination on the basis of sex in federal funding and access to public places.

But the manipulation of people’s protective instincts toward those regarded as vulnerable dates back much further than 1977. In the aftermath of HB 2, Honor Sachs, assistant professor of history at Western Carolina University, outlined in The Huffington Post how throughout history false accusations of rape and sexual assault have been deployed to negate the social and political advances of minority groups when those in power feel threatened. To catalyze violence against indigenous populations during the 17th and 18th centuries, Native Americans were depicted as “savage” and “predatorial” and therefore a threat to sexually vulnerable Anglo-American women. From the 19th century into the mid-20th century, Whites justified the lynching of countless Black men in the name of avenging alleged sexual assaults against White women (as with Emmett Till)11. Subsequently, the same line of reasoning was used to rationalize racially segregated facilities in the Jim Crow South.

This racialized thread, woven tightly into the “protective” narrative, helps make one thing very clear: conservative rhetoric about protecting women rarely has anything to do with actually protecting women.

Conservative rhetoric about protecting women rarely has anything to do with actually protecting women.

The modern version of this old claim is encapsulated in the rebranding of trans-inclusive nondiscrimination laws as “bathroom bills.” Because existing and proposed efforts to extend nondiscrimination protections to trans and gender-nonconforming people include public spaces, the opposition has chosen to highlight the fact that public spaces include public bathrooms. The message being deployed is that these nondiscrimination laws would “allow men into women’s bathrooms.”



Right-wing campaigns, such as the recent #KeepNCSafe campaign supporting North Carolina’s HB 2, re-brand non-discrimination bills as “Bathroom Bills” and manipulate fear of violence against (non-transgender) women.

Initially, these warnings aimed to bring into question the “authentic” gender of trans women, suggesting that gender is fixed and immutable. However, factions of the Right gradually recognized (thanks, in part, to the visibility—and popularity—of trans women like Laverne Cox) they were swimming against the current of trans visibility and acceptance.

In March 2016, the Human Rights Campaign published research that indicates 35 percent of likely voters personally know or work with a transgender person, as compared to just 22 percent the previous year.12 As more and more people become familiar with the transgender “frontier,” it is increasingly difficult to pass off falsehoods about trans people as indisputable. In order to attract more moderates and expand their base, the Christian Right needed to present a more nuanced message.

Many anti-trans activists have begun focusing more on the theoretical risk of male sexual predators taking advantage of nondiscrimination laws designed to protect trans people by dressing up as women and pretending to be transgender in order to gain access to women. It’s basically the 2.0 version of an Anita Bryant-style witch hunt—rather than paint all trans people as personally deviant and dangerous, opponents suggest that granting nondiscrimination protections to trans people will effectively enable the deviant and dangerous behavior of others.

In February 2016, anti-trans opponents went so far as to stage such a scenario. The previous December, the Washington State Human Rights Commission had added “gender identity” to the state’s pre-existing public accommodation protections.13 Opponents quickly introduced several pieces of legislation to overturn the protections, but when they failed to advance, conservatives instead pushed for a voter initiative. As part of their effort to garner support, opponents sought to incite “bathroom panic” by recruiting a non-transgender man to enter a women’s locker room at a Seattle public pool.14

The Human Rights Commission responded to the stunt with a statement explaining, “Men cannot go into the women’s locker room, as this man claimed he had the right to do. Only women, including transgender women, can go into the women’s locker room. Persons who enter the wrong gender-segregated facility for nefarious purposes can be asked to leave in no uncertain terms. And they would have no recourse.”15

As Sunnivie Brydom, managing editor for The Advocate, notes, “There has never been a verifiable, reported instance of a trans person harassing a cisgender person, nor have there been any confirmed reports of male predators ‘pretending’ to be transgender to gain access to women’s spaces and commit crimes against them.”16

Facts and clarifications, however, seemingly do little to dissuade these anti-trans attacks. The Family Policy Institute of Washington (FPIW), a Focus on the Family affiliate, persisted in claiming, “[P]eople of any sex can enter a locker room of the opposite sex and defend their right to be there based on gender identity, a subjective concept that is impossible to prove.”17

Increasingly, right-wing opponents are attempting to “prove” that their manufactured risks are viable. According to YWCA Pierce County CEO Miriam Barnett, trans rights advocates have reported that the anti-trans alliance coordinating Washington’s repeal effort (primarily led by FPIW under the name “Just Want Privacy”) has instructed men gathering signatures to position themselves outside of women’s bathrooms. If a woman declines to sign, they are encouraged to follow her in, ostensibly to demonstrate how dangerous trans-inclusive bathroom policies are.

Using these sorts of scare tactics and provocations, the repeal effort targeting the 2015 expansion of nondiscrimination protections gained substantial momentum, but ultimately the campaign failed to gather the necessary number of signatures to qualify for the ballot.18 Nonetheless, LGBTQ activists remain wary. Kris Hayashi, Executive Director of the Transgender Law Center, warns, “I anticipate seeing much worse going into 2017.”19

Who’s Behind It All?

A national coalition of Christian Right powerhouse organizations has been plotting this campaign since long before the concept of a “post-marriage equality moment” even existed. Not merely a response to the Supreme Court’s Obergefell decision on same-sex marriage or Laverne Cox’s celebrity status, this recent wave of anti-trans attacks has deep social, political, and theological roots. Three key groups leading the effort are Focus on the Family, the Family Research Council, and the Alliance Defending Freedom.

Focus on the Family (FOTF) is one of the most powerful Christian Right parachurch organizations in the country. With annual revenue of over $88 million20 and 13 international offices (in addition to its massive headquarters in Colorado Springs), FOTF’s influence is truly global.

In a series of articles on “transgenderism” originally published in 2008, FOTF reveals a remarkable depth of awareness regarding some of the deep internal rifts within the LGBTQ community:

For decades, lesbian, gay and bisexual activist (LGB) leaders worked hard to keep those who called themselves “transgender” or “transsexual” as far out of the public eye as possible. By their own admission, the last thing they wanted was a bunch of “drag queens” and cross-dressers to scare away potential allies and ruin any hope for their community to achieve its political goals. So the activists only portrayed homosexuals in favorable and non-threatening ways.

But recent years have seen a sea-change in attitudes about cultural acceptance of homosexuality. And LGB activists believe that sufficient political gains have been won at the local, state and federal levels that they can now turn their attention to adding the “T”—for transgender—to the LGB acronym that represents their community.21

Indeed, anti-trans dissonance has long plagued the LGBTQ justice movement, leaving trans and gender-nonconforming people especially susceptible to attack. Contemporary consequences of this internal strife became particularly evident during what became known as the “ENDA debacle” of 2007. After over two decades of legislative advocacy, the Employment Non-Discrimination Act (ENDA) appeared to finally be gaining the necessary support to extend federal nondiscrimination protections to include LGBTQ people. However, when certain LGBTQ power players and political insiders became concerned that the bill didn’t have quite enough votes to pass, they dropped “gender identity” from the list of protected statuses in an attempt to make it more palatable to those legislators who were still on the fence, thereby leaving out trans and gender-nonconforming people. The revision was soundly rejected by a coalition of progressive organizations and activists who refused to deprioritize some of the most vulnerable members of the LGBTQ community. In any case, the revised bill failed.

There’s no such thing as a discreet family dispute when you’re a political movement representing millions of LGBTQ people. Of course, Christian Right groups were paying attention, and FOTF has sought to exploit these rifts. From its sprawling 45-acre campus, FOTF has captained the Christian Right’s advances against trans and gender-nonconforming people for years. But this went relatively unnoticed until recently, in part, because many of FOTF’s anti-trans attacks have been mislabeled. For example, James Dobson, founder and longtime president of FOTF, has been warning parents against letting their young boys embrace feminine characteristics since as far back as the 1970s. Critics accuse him of being homophobic, but in reality, he’s also tapping into the undercurrents of transphobia. For Dobson and his followers, the fear wasn’t just about men loving—or even having sex with—other men. What’s also at play is a deeper fear that such a relationship would entail men behaving like women.

For Dobson and his followers, the fear wasn’t just about men loving—or even having sex with—other men. What’s also at play is a deeper fear that such a relationship would entail men behaving like women.

Now those undercurrents have swelled into a raging river, and though LGB activists may finally be prepared to “turn their attention to adding the ‘T,’” as FOTF puts it, the Christian Right already has an established infrastructure and anti-trans game plan, putting them light years ahead. With the help of its political arm, the Family Policy Alliance (formerly CitizenLink), FOTF is mobilizing its constituents across the country, depicting trans-inclusive nondiscrimination ordinances as “insanity,” and arguing that they will allow “sexual predators” access to young girls.22

Family Policy Alliance (FPA) is a multi-million dollar operation that oversees a national network of 38 state-based “family policy councils” collectively committed to restricting access to abortion and reproductive justice, resisting efforts toward LGBTQ equality, and redefining religious freedom into a dangerous tool of oppression.23 All but four of the states considering anti-trans legislation this year have an FPA-affiliated family policy council.

FPA says it provides its state-based affiliates, like the previously mentioned Family Policy Institute of Washington, with “training, funding and strategic coordination to engage in elections, advance pro-family legislation, mobilize churches on critical issues and be a voice for biblical citizens within their states.”24

North Carolina’s affiliate is the North Carolina Family Policy Council (NCFPC). In the case of NCFPC, FPA has played an especially significant role in supporting the group financially. According to the most recently available tax filings from both organizations, FPA contributed nearly $170,00025 to NCFPC in 2013, which amounts to approximately one third of NCFPC’s operating budget that year.26

John Rustin, president of the NCFPC (whose total compensation in 2013, incidentally, was just shy of $170,000) wrote a letter to Gov. McCrory following the passage of Charlotte’s trans-inclusive nondiscrimination ordinance, demanding that the General Assembly call a special session to overturn it and “preempt any other municipality or county in the state from enacting a similar ordinance.”27 And that is exactly what happened.

While FOTF taps into the motivating elements of fear in order to advance the Christian Right’s anti-trans agenda, the Family Research Council (FRC) attempts to provide the intellectual backing for their campaign.

FRC, a Christian Right political advocacy group based in Washington, D.C., came into existence during the same time period as FOTF, and the two organizations have remained in close relationship throughout their shared history; from 1988-1992 FRC was even subsumed as a division of FOTF. Today, the two function as organizational partners, collaborating on numerous projects.28

In June 2015, FRC laid out a five-point plan for “responding to the transgender movement.” The position paper was co-authored by Peter Sprigg, a senior fellow at FRC, and Dale O’Leary, a Catholic writer based in Avon Park, Florida. Sprigg, a proponent of so-called “reparative therapy”—a psychological treatment based on the assumption that homosexuality is a mental disorder that can and should be fixed or changed—has argued that transgender people suffer from “delusions.29 O’Leary claims that “same-sex attraction is a preventable and treatable psychological disorder,”30 and has suggested that “sexual liberationists” are “targeting children” in order to expose them to “molesters and exhibitionists masquerading as sex educators.”31

Ignoring trans-affirming positions from the American Medical Association32, the American Psychological Association33, and the American Psychiatric Society34, the two dredged up obscure and outdated scientific theories in an attempt to pathologize transgender people, then outlined a strategy for advancing anti-trans public policy.35 Specifically, FRC argues against providing trans people with gender-affirming healthcare, access to gender transition procedures (often understood to be life-saving for transgender people), legal recognition, protection from discrimination, and the right to serve in the military.

As longtime transgender rights activist Brynn Tannehill explains, it’s a plan “to legislate transgender people out of existence by making the legal, medical, and social climate too hostile for anyone to transition [from one gender to another].”36

Sprigg and O’Leary, like most other right-wing opponents of trans and gender-nonconforming people, draw many of their arguments from Dr. Paul McHugh, professor of psychiatry at Johns Hopkins University. In that position, McHugh has actively worked against the medical treatment of trans people since the 1970s. In a 1992 essay published in The American Scholar, a quarterly literary magazine, McHugh actually indicates that part of his incentive for taking over Johns Hopkins’ psychiatry department in 1975 was to shut down the institution’s Gender Identity Clinic, which since 1966 had been at the forefront of transgender medicine.37

“It was part of my intention, when I arrived in Baltimore in 1975, to help end it,” he wrote.38 In 1979, he succeeded.

But he didn’t stop there. As a member of the American College of Pediatricians, a right-wing breakaway group that split from the American Academy of Pediatrics in 2002,39 McHugh recently helped author a new position statement claiming that respecting transgender children’s identities causes them harm and is akin to “child abuse.”40

The American College of Pediatricians was founded in 2002 when a small group of anti-LGBTQ physicians and other healthcare professionals split from the 60,000 member American Academy of Pediatrics.

The American College of Pediatricians was founded in 2002 when a small group of anti-LGBTQ physicians and other healthcare professionals split from the 60,000 member American Academy of Pediatrics.

As I have written elsewhere, Sprigg, O’Leary, and McHugh also selectively highlight the scholarship of a small group of highly controversial academics and activists described by their critics as “Trans-Exclusionary Radical Feminists” (TERFs). Although most categorized as TERFs reject the label and consider it to be insulting, they openly espouse the notion that trans women “aren’t really women,” and that real womanhood is exclusively determined on a natal, biological level. These arguments (key elements of what’s called “gender essentialism”) align themselves with and fuel the flames of right-wing transphobia, providing the Right an intellectual foundation upon which to build an argument that would appeal to both conservatives and certain sectors of the Left.41

Much like the example of the 2007 ENDA debacle, TERF scholarship is merely an outgrowth of anti-trans trends that have been consistently prevalent in feminist circles for decades. The Right has simply become more adept at exploiting them.

Rounding out the hearts-and-minds campaign work of FOTF and FRC is the Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF), a right-wing Christian legal group based in Scottsdale, Arizona.

ADF was founded in 1994 by five of the Christian Right’s top strategists of the day, including FOTF’s James Dobson. Today, ADF counts more than 3,000 “allied attorneys” on its roster, all of whom are working to “preserve and defend” their definition of religious freedom, which they consider “our most cherished birthright.” ADF claims that its army of Christian Right lawyers has racked up 47 victories at the U.S. Supreme Court since it was launched in 1994, and has played a role in “hundreds of international legal matters affecting religious freedom.”42

Founded in 1994 under the name “Alliance Defense Fund,” ADF’s initial goal was to collect money from Christian Right donors and parcel it out to other, already established groups that were active in courts.43 Over time, however, ADF has come to dominate the smaller organizations it once served to support. Acknowledging this shift, in 2012 ADF changed its name to “reflect the organization’s shift in focus from funding allied attorneys to litigating cases.”44

And ADF continues to grow, both in terms of the size of its coffers and the scope of its work. From 2001 to 2013, annual contributions and grants increased from $14.7 million to $38.9 million.45 With that growth, ADF’s strategy has also expanded, now reaching far beyond the courtroom, aggressively implementing its agenda in statehouses, churches, and schools.

In 2014, ADF teamed up with FOTF to promote a “Student Physical Privacy Policy” for schools, which provides model guidelines supposedly designed to protect students in areas such as bathrooms and locker rooms.46 In reality, “physical privacy rights” as outlined in these policies clearly do not apply to all students; instead, they encode trans-exclusionary guidelines and subject transgender students to further scrutiny and interrogation when it comes to their privacy.

After testing the waters in a handful of districts, ADF launched an all-out offensive in December 2014. ADF announced that it had emailed public school superintendents nationwide to preemptively “advise them of a recommended policy and letter that protects the physical safety and privacy of students in restrooms and locker rooms while providing a solution for school officials concerned about students struggling with their sexual identity.” ADF also warned that any school district supporting trans-inclusive policies “would clearly expose itself—and its teachers—to tort liability.”47 At the same time, ADF promised pro bono legal defense to schools choosing to adopt ADF’s model policy.

Within weeks of ADF’s announcement, the Gloucester County School Board in Virginia adopted ADF’s model policy.48 The policy was subsequently used to deny Gavin Grimm, a transgender male student at Gloucester High School, access to the boys’ restroom. The ACLU filed a lawsuit against the district, and in April 2016, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit ruled in favor of Grimm, concluding that Title IX protects the rights of transgender students to use sex-segregated facilities that are consistent with their gender identity.49

Nonetheless, thanks to joint outreach efforts made by ADF and FOTF,50 school boards across the country are now equipped with the language, tools, and resources to adopt new, trans-exclusionary policies, writing oppression and discrimination into their student handbooks.

ADF is highly involved in the current outbreak of anti-trans legislative efforts, too. Like their discriminatory school policy, ADF has drafted a model state level bill, the language of which is evident in anti-trans legislation proposed in Kentucky, Nevada, Minnesota, Texas, and elsewhere.51

The Transphobic Roots of Homophobic Theology

A fourth key player on the frontlines of anti-trans attacks is the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC). With more than 15 million members, the SBC is the largest Protestant denomination in the country, and has often been considered a bellwether for Christian conservatism.52 In 1976, the denomination’s Executive Committee passed its first resolution on homosexuality, declaring that affiliated churches and agencies should not “afford the practice of homosexuality any degree of approval through ordination, employment, or other designations of normal life-style (sic).” Since then, the denomination has passed more than 40 resolutions dealing directly or indirectly with LGBTQ people.53

In a 1992 editorial published in the Christian Index, Albert Mohler (who previously served as vice chairman of FOTF’s board of directors) wrote that “Southern Baptists no longer have the false comfort” of regarding homosexuality “as someone else’s problem. The moral and theological integrity of our denomination is at stake, at every level.”54

With this declaration, Mohler, now president of Southern Baptist Theological Seminary (SBTS) in Louisville, Kentucky, positioned himself as an early leader in the SBC’s anti-LGBTQ crusade. In the subsequent decades, he has continued to write, preach, and aggressively campaign against LGBTQ people. Of the various topics covered on his website—which features a personal blog, regular commentary, and recordings from his two different radio programs—homosexuality is second only to theology in the list of categories, with nearly 400 different entries.55

Albert Mohler, considered one of the most influential evangelicals of all time, has a long history of preaching and campaigning against LGBTQ rights. Photo by James Thompson via Flickr, License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/

Albert Mohler, considered one of the most influential evangelicals of all time, has a long history of preaching and campaigning against LGBTQ rights. Photo by James Thompson via Flickr, License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/

In response to LGBTQ activist and writer Matthew Vines’ controversial 2014 book, God and the Gay Christian: The Biblical Case in Support of Same-Sex Relationships, which made a case for LGBTQ equality from a Christian perspective, Mohler organized a formal response in the form of a free e-book titled God and the Gay Christian? A Response to Matthew Vines.56 Four other SBTS professors contributed to the text, including Denny Burk. 

Burk, a professor of biblical studies at SBTS’s Boyce College, has previously encouraged Christians to stop using the phrase “gay Christian” because, he suggested, it’s an impossible contradiction in terms. “Christians never speak of ‘lying Christians,’ ‘adulterer Christians,’ ‘fornicating Christians,’ ‘murderer Christians,’ or ‘thieving Christians,’” he wrote.57 In more recent years, Burk has graduated from the long established anti-gay school of theology, making a name for himself as one of the Christian Right’s leading anti-trans pioneers.

Reflecting on TIME’s transgender “tipping point” pronouncement in a June 2014 blog post, Burk wrote, “Just as homosexuality has been mainstreamed, so the revolutionaries seek to mainstream transgender (sic) as well.” “Christians,” he continued, “are going to have to meet the transgender challenge as a matter of great pastoral and missional urgency. We must be clear about what the Bible teaches and be faithful to live that message out in a culture that is increasingly out of step with biblical norms.”58

A resolution “On Transgender Identity” authored by Burk and adopted by the SBC’s Resolutions Committee in 2014 reinforces patriarchal and misogynistic notions of “complementarity”: the notion that men and women have different but complementary roles in relationships, family life, work, and society. It also declares that gender identity is “determined by biological sex and not by one’s self-perception.” Burk’s resolution further describes transgender and intersex people as “psychological” and “biological” manifestations of “human fallenness” respectively, and expresses opposition to any form of physical gender transition, as well as any governmental or cultural validations of transgender identities. The document is the latest in a long string of anti-LGBTQ resolutions issued by the denomination.59

The Southern Baptist Convention’s 2014 resolution describes transgender and intersex people as “psychological” and “biological” manifestations of “human fallenness”.

In October 2015, Burk presented at the “first-ever” evangelical conference on the subject of “transgenderism” in Louisville, Kentucky. Convened by the Association of Certified Biblical Counselors (ACBC), a network of thousands of conservative Christian counselors who oppose the disciplines of psychology and psychiatry, and the complementarity-focused Council for Biblical Manhood & Womanhood, the event focused on “Transgender Confusion and Transformational Christianity.”

As reported by Zack Ford at ThinkProgress, in Burk’s lecture, “A Gospel-Centered Assessment of Gender Identity, Transgender, and Polygamy,” the Southern Baptist professor dismissed all research60 that has determined gender identity to be a biological phenomenon and that has found there are serious mental health consequences to denying a person’s gender identity. According to Burk, “The task of parenting—the task of discipling—requires understanding those [gender] norms and to inculcate those norms into our children and to those who want to follow Christ, even those who have deep conflicts about these things.”61

Complementarity: Gender Essentialism’s Favorite Formula

The theological roots of the Christian Right’s assault on trans and gender-nonconforming people date much further back—long before anyone felt compelled to insert anti-trans language into official church doctrine. In 1987, the Council for Biblical Manhood & Womanhood (CBMW) was founded to promote the views of complementarity—specifically that “men and women are complementary, possessing equal dignity and worth as the image of God, and called to different roles that each glorify him.”62

The theological roots of the Christian Right’s assault on trans and gender-nonconforming people date much further back—long before anyone felt compelled to insert anti-trans language into official church doctrine.

Initially, complementarity was used as a core argument for the one-man-one-woman marriage proponents: that God’s design and intention was for wedded partners to create a balance between the unique characteristics predicated by their biological sex as the only appropriate formula for a legal marriage. But with the fight for same-sex marriage equality more or less behind us (unless, of course, you happen to be in the market for a gay wedding cake in a conservative, one-bakeshop town), the Christian Right is unearthing the deeper roots of gender essentialism for its current anti-trans offensive.

Another contributor to Mohler’s e-book response to Matthew Vines was Owen Strachan, a young champion of complementarity. The 34-year-old took over as Executive Director of CBMW in 2012, and in 2014 was promoted to President.63 Under his leadership, the organization has more than tripled its annual revenue,64 exponentially increased its social media presence, and launched a new international outreach program, hosting events in the Dominican Republic, Brazil, Canada, and England.65

Screenshot from a promotional video for the 2015 “Transgender Confusion and Transformational Christianity” conference. Full video at: https://vimeo.com/117870540

At CBMW’s 2016 conference in Louisville on “The Beauty of Complementarity,” Strachan declared that he “would rather die” than let a young transgender girl share the restroom with his daughter (ironically specifying that such an occasion shouldn’t happen “without me in there”). He went on to reject and deny the existence of trans people, instead reiterating the strictly defined roles of gender essentialism. “Men are called to lead, provide, and protect,” he explained, “and women are called to nurture, support, and follow.”66

Strachan has since stepped down as CBMW’s president. Denny Burk, author of SBC’s resolution “On Transgender Identity,” has assumed leadership of the organization.67

Religious Freedom and the Anti-Trans Legal Offensive

Despite the anti-trans campaigns, progress is still evident. In May, U.S. Attorney General Loretta Lynch took a bold stand for transgender people, announcing that the Department of Justice was suing North Carolina for violating federal civil rights protections with its passage of HB 2. Speaking to the people of North Carolina, her home state, Lynch said, “You have been told that this law protects vulnerable populations from harm. That is just not the case. What this law does is inflict further indignity for a population that has already suffered far more than its fair share. This law provides no benefit to society, and all it does is harm innocent Americans.”68

The lawsuit seeks to establish HB 2 as discriminatory under Title VII and Title IX of the Civil Rights Act and in violation of the Violence Against Women Act.

Title IX has been a primary point of contention in the fight for trans equality since the Obama administration expanded the reach of its protections in April 2014—less than two months before Laverne Cox graced the cover of TIME. Under the new guidelines, Title IX prohibits discrimination in publicly funded schools not only on the basis of sex, but also on the basis of sexual orientation, gender identity, immigration status, and disability.

The ACLU of North Carolina flagged this element of the potential harm caused by HB 2, noting in a press release that in addition to eliminating protections for LGBTQ people, the bill “jeopardizes the more than $4.5 billion in federal funding that North Carolina receives for secondary and post-secondary schools under Title IX, which prohibits sex discrimination, including discrimination against transgender students.”69

Interpretation of this new policy had remained uncertain, but the U.S. Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals’ decision in favor of Gavin Grimm (the transgender male student seeking equal access to male bathroom facilities), issued in April 2016, established a clear legal precedent.70

The Christian Right anticipated this. According to a report from the Human Rights Campaign, within months of the 2014 change dozens of religious colleges and universities had applied for and been granted a “religious exemption” from the law. George Fox University, a privately owned conservative Quaker school in Oregon that receives federal funding, was one of the first to do so — a reactionary measure taken to prevent a transgender male student, Jayce M., from living in campus housing designated for male students.71

Paul Southwick, a lawyer representing Jayce, argued that George Fox didn’t have any policies or theological positions prohibiting a student from transitioning or expressing a transgender identity.72 Denny Burk, author of SBC’s anti-trans resolution, recognized the risk of this loophole. Upon introducing his initial draft of what would become the SBC’s new policy, he explained, “the resolution will be a reference point for Southern Baptist colleges, hospitals, and other institutions that may be facing legal challenges for their stance on this issue.”73

The ADF also understands the significance of establishing a theological precedent for anti-trans legal offensives. In May 2016, ADF filed a lawsuit designed to exclude trans students from using the bathroom that aligns with their gender identity, arguing that the current policy of Illinois’ Township High School District 211, which grants students the right to access bathroom facilities that align with their gender identity, is illegal because it violates the rights of non-trans students.74

In the suit, ADF lays out many of the familiar arguments about privacy and “protecting” girls, but it also includes a new, religious argument, one that builds on the revised standard established by the Supreme Court’s 2014 Hobby Lobby decision. Using this new precedent, ADF argued in Illinois that many parents have “sincerely held religious beliefs about modesty and other religious doctrines”; if their children share bathroom facilities with trans students, the ADF argued, these beliefs would be violated. Therefore, the policy interferes with parents’ ability “to freely live out their religious beliefs.”75

In 2004, ADF President Alan Sears told supporters, “One by one, more and more bricks that make up the artificial ‘wall of separation’ between church and state are being removed, and Christians are once again being allowed to exercise their constitutional right to equal access to public facilities and funding.”76

Twelve years later, Sears and his team are still relentlessly chipping away. As PRA senior research fellow Frederick Clarkson laid out in his 2016 report, When Exemption is the Rule: The Religious Freedom Strategy of the Christian Right, their ultimate goal is to “impose a conservative Christian social order inspired by religious law.”77 To be clear, that conservative Christian social order has no place for trans and gender-nonconforming people, so for it to be realized, it’s necessary to erase their existence.

Existence as Resistance

As the Christian Right attempts to forcefully construct its idealized vision of how the world should be (to the detriment of all who fail to fall in line), they cannot ignore the reality that bad things happen. Sexual assault and rape happen. Children are abused. Women experience untold amounts of violence. None of this can be refuted; however, our notions of who or what is to blame can vary dramatically.

Front and center in the Christian Right’s anti-trans offensive is the notion that increased rights, protections, and access for trans people will equate to increased violence, abuse, sexual assault, and rape (specifically for women and children). Such falsehoods shift blame away from the patriarchal and racist structures that perpetuate the culture of violence that continuously inflicts harm and eliminates any sense of sustained safety for women, children, queer people, trans people, disabled people, and countless others. These structures are essential to the maintenance of the Christian Right’s dominance.

Yet the very existence of trans people challenges this dominance by refuting the narrative that God’s design is limited to two distinct, immutable genders—the primary premise used by the Christian Right to propagate homophobia and transphobia around the world. As trans communities assert their rights, gaining visibility and some measure of social acceptance, the Christian Right is inevitably fighting tooth and nail to defend its world view.



1 Katy Steinmetz, “The Transgender Tipping Point,” TIME Magazine, May 29, 2014, http://time.com/135480/transgender-tipping-point/.

2Zach Ford, “Why Time’s Profile Of Laverne Cox Is A Big Step Forward For Transgender Equality,” ThinkProgress, May 29, 2014, http://thinkprogress.org/lgbt/2014/05/29/3442571/time-transgender/.

3 This total doesn’t account for individuals whose deaths were not reported or investigated, nor for victims who were misgendered or not regarded as trans women in death. Diana Tourjee, “’He’s Not Done Killing Her’: Why so Many Trans Women were Murdered in 2015,” Broadly, December 16, 2015, https://broadly.vice.com/en_us/article/hes-not-done-killing-her-why-so-many-trans-women-were-murdered-in-2015.

4 National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs, “Hate Violence Against Transgender Communities,” http://www.avp.org/storage/documents/ncavp_transhvfactsheet.pdf,

5 National Advocacy for Local LGBTGH Communities, “An open letter from LGBTQ organizations in the Unites States regarding the epidemic violence that LGBTQ people, particularly transgender women of color, have experienced in 2015,” March 1, 2015, http://www.avp.org/storage/documents/webversion_ncavp_ma_national2015.pdf.

6 Stephen Peters, “New HRC Report Reveals Unprecedented Onslaught of State Legislation Targeting Transgender Americans,” Human Rights Campaign, February 22, 2016, http://www.hrc.org/blog/new-hrc-report-reveals-unprecedented-onslaught-of-state-legislation-targeti.

7 Steve Harrison, “N.C. Gov Pat McCrory signs into law bill restricting LGBT protections,” The Charlotte Observer, March 23, 2016, http://www.charlotteobserver.com/news/local/article67845317.html#storylink=cpy.

8 “ACLU-NC Denounces Passage of Most Extreme Anti-LGBT Bill in the Nation,” American Civil Liberties Union of North Carolina, March 23, 2016, https://acluofnorthcarolina.org/blog/aclu-nc-denounces-passage-of-most-extreme-anti-lgbt-bill-in-the-nation.html.

9 North Carolina Justice Center Fact Sheet, “HB2 Guts Core Worker Anti-discrimination Protections,” March 2016, http://www.ncjustice.org/sites/default/files/Factsheet_HB2_0.pdf.

10 Steve Harrison, “McCrory: If Charlotte approves LGBT protections, ‘immediate’ state response likely,” The Charlotte Observer, February 22, 2016 http://www.charlotteobserver.com/news/politics-government/article61307857.html.

11 Honor Sachs, “The Old Threadbare Lie Behind North Carolina’s HB2,” Huffington Post, April 7, 2016 http://www.huffingtonpost.com/honor-sachs/the-old-threadbare-lie-behind_b_9568054.html.

12 “HRC National Survey of Likely Voters,” Human Rights Campaign, 2015, http://www.hrc.org/resources/hrc-national-survey-of-likely-voters.

13 Valerie Richardson, “Transgender people in Washington state to use restrooms based on identity, not anatomy,” The Washington Times, December 31, 2015, http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2015/dec/31/transgenders-in-washington-state-to-use-restrooms-/?page=all.

14 Alison Morrow, “Seattle man tests transgender rule by undressing in women’s locker room,” USA Today, February 17, 2016, http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation-now/2016/02/17/transgender-rule-washington-state-man-undresses-locker-room/80501904/

15 Zack Ford, “No, Transgender Protections Do Not Justify Men In Women’s Restrooms. A State Agency Just Said So,” ThinkProgress, February 29, 2016, http://thinkprogress.org/lgbt/2016/02/29/3754688/washington-transgender-protections/.

16 Sunnivie Brydom, “Texas Doubles Down on Transphobic Legislation, Adding $2,000 Fine for ‘Wrong’ Bathroom Use,” The Advocate, March 10, 2015, http://www.advocate.com/politics/transgender/2015/03/10/texas-doubles-down-transphobic-legislation-adding-2000-fine-wrong-ba

17 Just Want Privacy, “Why do we need this initiative?,” https://justwantprivacy.org/why-do-we-need-this-initiative/.

18 Joe Connelly, “I-1515, The ‘Bathroom Initiative,’ Fails to Make November Ballot,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, July 7, 2016, http://www.seattlepi.com/local/politics/article/I-1515-the-bathroom-initiative-fails-to-make-8346927.php.

19 Kris Hayashi, interview with author, July 8, 2016.

20 990 form for Focus on the Family, 2013, http://www.guidestar.org/FinDocuments/2014/953/188/2014-953188150-0bc03f69-9.pdf.

21 Focus on the Family Issue Analysts, “’Trangenderism’ Brings chaos from Order,” Focus on the Family, http://www.focusonthefamily.com/socialissues/sexuality/transgenderism/transgenderism-brings-chaos-from-order.

22 Jim Daly, “Not in My Shower,” Focus on the Family, May 20, 2008, http://jimdaly.focusonthefamily.com/not-in-my-shower/?_ga=1.144130421.1548367314.1458137817.

23 Frederick Clarkson, “Exposed: How the Right’s State-Based Think Tanks are Transforming U.S. Politics,” PRA Eyes Right Blog, Nov. 25, 2013, http://www.politicalresearch.org/2013/11/25/exposed-how-the-rights-state-based-think-tanks-are-transforming-u-s-politics/#sthash.RwAzpLUQ.dpbs.

24 Paul Weber, “About Us,” Family Policy Alliance, 2016, http://familypolicyalliance.com/about-us/.

25 990 form for CitizenLink, 2013, http://www.guidestar.org/FinDocuments/2014/200/960/2014-200960855-0ba97027-9O.pdf.

26 990 form for North Carolina Family Policy Council, 2014, http://www.guidestar.org/FinDocuments/2014/561/751/2014-561751596-0be99b27-9.pdf.

27 Jon Rustin, “Why a Special Session to Repeal Charlotte’s Ordinance changes is Necessary,” NC Family Policy Council, March 2, 2016, http://www.ncfamily.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/160302-Charlotte-SOGI-Ordinance-Ltr.pdf.

28 “History of Family Research Council: Thirty Years of Advancing Faith, Family and Freedom,” Family Research Council, http://www.frc.org/historymission.

29 Zach Ford, “Family Research Council: Transgender People Need Therapy, Not Nondiscrimination Protections,” Thingprogress, February 26, 2013, http://thinkprogress.org/lgbt/2013/02/26/1643041/family-research-council-transgender-people-need-therapy-not-nondiscrimination-protections/.

30 Dale O’Leary, “The ‘Transsexual’ Delusion,” May 13, 2016, https://daleoleary.wordpress.com/2011/01/09/the-%E2%80%9Ctranssexual%E2%80%9D-delusion/#comment-1527.

31 Dale O’Leary, The Gender Agenda (Lafayette, Louisiana: Vital Issues Press, 1997), 211.

32 “LGBT Health Resources: Resources and Literature for Clinicians on LGBT Health Topics,” American Medical Association, http://www.ama-assn.org/ama/pub/about-ama/our-people/member-groups-sections/glbt-advisory-committee/glbt-resources/lgbt-health-resources.page.

33 American Psychological Association Council of Representatives, “Transgender, Gender Identity, & Gender Expression Non-Discrimination,” August 2008, http://www.apa.org/about/policy/transgender.aspx.

34 Jack Drescher and Ellen Haller, American Psychiatrist Association’s Caucus of Lesbian, Gay and Bisexual Psychiatrists. “Position Statement on Discrimination Against
Transgender and Gender Variant Individuals,” July 2012, https://www.psychiatry.org/home/search-results?k=transgender.

35 Jacob Brogan, “The FRC’s Anti-Trans Policy Paper Is Basically a Flag of Surrender,” Slate, June 24, 2015, http://www.slate.com/blogs/outward/2015/06/24/the_family_research_council_s_anti_trans_policy_paper_is_intellectually.html.

36 Brynn Tannehill, “And Then They Came for Transgender People,” Huffington Post, February 18, 2016, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/brynn-tannehill/and-then-they-came-for-tr_b_9258678.html.

37 “Sexchange,” Baltimore Style, http://baltimorestyle.com/3347/fe_sexchange_jf07/.

38 Steve Sailer, “’1984:’ First Time a Tragedy, Second Time as Farce,” The Unz Review, June 2, 2015, http://www.unz.com/isteve/1984-first-time-as-tragedy-second-time-as-farce/.

39 Hatewatch Staff, “Meet the Anti-LGBT Hate Group that Filed an Amicus Brief with the Alabama Supreme Court,” Southern Poverty Law Center, November 13, 2015, https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2015/11/13/meet-anti-lgbt-hate-group-filed-amicus-brief-alabama-supreme-court.

40 Michelle A. Cretella, Quentin Van Meter, and Paul McHugh, “Gender Ideology Harms Children,” American College of Pediatricians, March 21, 2016, http://www.acpeds.org/the-college-speaks/position-statements/gender-ideology-harms-children.

41 Cole Parke, “The Christian Right’s Love Affair with Anti-Trans Feminists,” PRA Eyes Right Blog, August 11, 2016, http://www.politicalresearch.org/2016/08/11/the-christian-rights-love-affair-with-anti-trans-feminists/#sthash.hHrJSj8z.dpbs.

42 “Who We Are,” Alliance Defending Freedom, https://www.adflegal.org/about-us.

43 Rob Boston, “With Millions in Assets And Hundreds of Attorneys, Christian Right Is Waging War on the Church-State Wall,” Alternet, March 5, 2013, http://www.alternet.org/belief/millions-assets-and-hundreds-attorneys-christian-right-waging-war-church-state-wall.

44 Alberto Carosa, “The Remnant Interviews CEO of Alliance Defending Freedom,” The Remnant, May 8, 2014, http://remnantnewspaper.com/web/index.php/articles/item/624-the-remnant-interviews-ceo-of-alliance-defending-freedomculum.

45 Josh Israel, “The 800-Pound Gorilla of the Christian Right,” Thinkprogress, May 1, 2014, http://thinkprogress.org/lgbt/2014/05/01/3429448/alliance-defending-freedom/.

46 Jeremy D. Tedesco, J. Matthew Sharp, and Rory T. Gray, “Student Physical Privacy Policy,” Alliance Defending Freedom, December 4, 2014, http://www.adfmedia.org/files/StudentPhysicalPrivacyPolicy.pdf.

47 “ADF recommends Policy to Protect Student Privacy in Restrooms, Locker Rooms,” Alliance Defending Freedom, December 5, 2014, http://www.adfmedia.org/News/PRDetail/?CID=82478.

48 VA. School District Policy Respects All Children’s Privacy, Safety Needs,” Alliance Defending Freedom, December 19, 2014, http://www.adfmedia.org/News/PRDetail/?CID=82681.

49 G.G. v. Gloucester County School Board, April 19, 2016, https://www.aclu.org/cases/gg-v-gloucester-county-school-board.

50 “Tell A School- Share the Student Physical Privacy Policy,” TrueTolerance: a project of Focus on the Family, http://www.truetolerance.org/tell-a-school-share-the-student-physical-privacy-policy/.

51 Rachel Percelay, “A ‘Religious Freedom’ Legal Powerhouse is Leading the National Fight Against Transgender Students,” MediaMatters, November 5, 2015, http://mediamatters.org/research/2015/11/05/a-religious-freedom-legal-powerhouse-is-leading/206588.

52 Trevin Wax, “What to Make of Southern Baptists’ Declining Numbers,” Religious News Service, June 16, 2015, http://religionnews.com/2015/06/16/make-southern-baptists-declining-numbers-commentary/.

53 Tyler Lopez, “Southern Baptists Unleash Judgement, Resolution After Resolution,” Slate, June 12, 2014, http://www.slate.com/blogs/outward/2014/06/12/southern_baptist_convention_condemns_trans_community.html.

54 David Roach, “SBC’s Homosexuality Stance Reinforced by 1992 Amendment,” Baptist Press, July 21, 2014, http://www.bpnews.net/43006/sbcs-homosexuality-stance-reinforced-by-1992-amendment.

55 Albert Mohler, “Topics,” http://www.albertmohler.com/topics/.

56 Albert Mohler, “God and the Gay Christian?: A Response to Matthew Vines,” http://www.amazon.com/God-Gay-Christian-Response-Conversant-ebook/dp/B00KBA8L9Q.

57 Kyle Mantyla, “Just Say No… To The Phrase ‘Gay Christian,’” Right Wing Watch, September 28, 2011, http://www.rightwingwatch.org/content/just-say-no-phrase-gay-christian.

58 Denny Burk, “A Resolution on Transgender for the SBC,” June 2, 2014, http://www.dennyburk.com/a-resolution-on-transgender-for-the-sbc/.

59 “On Transgender Identity,” Southern Baptist Convention, 2014, http://www.sbc.net/resolutions/2250/on-transgender-identity.

60 Boston University Medical Center, “Transgender: Evidence on the Biological Nature of Gender Identity.” ScienceDaily, www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2015/02/150213112317.htm.

61 Zack Ford, “How the Southern Baptist are Still Completely Failing Transgender People,” ThinkProgress, October 31, 2014, http://thinkprogress.org/lgbt/2014/10/31/3587156/erlc-transgender/.

62 “Our History,” Council on Biblical Manhood and Womanhood, http://cbmw.org/about/history/.

63 ‘Owen Strachan Appointed President of CBMW,” Council on Biblical Manhood and Womanhood, May 12, 2014, http://cbmw.org/topics/news-and-announcements/owen-strachan-appointed-president-of-cbmw/.

64 Nonprofit Report, Council of Biblical Manhood and Womanhood, Jun 14, 2016, http://www.guidestar.org/profile/36-3635678.

65 Matt Damico, “CBMW Announcement: Owen Strachan Resigns as CBMW President,” Council on Biblical Manhood and Womanhood, July 12, 2016, http://cbmw.org/topics/news-and-announcements/cbmw-announcement-owen-strachan-resigns-as-cbmw-president/.

66 Owen Strachan at the 2016 CBMW T4G Pre-Conference, “The Goodness and Truthfulness of Complementarity,” April 11, 2016, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AUBeqe5donQ.

67 Matt Damico, “CBMW Announcement: Denny Burk Named CBMW President,” Council on Biblical Manhood and Womanhood, July 20, 2016, http://cbmw.org/public-square/cbmw-announcement-denny-burk-named-cbmw-president/.

68 David A. Graham, “’State-sponsored Discrimination’: Loretta Lynch Takes on North Carolina’s Bathroom Bill,” The Atlantic, May 9, 2016, http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/05/state-sponsored-discrimination-loretta-lynch-takes-on-north-carolinas-hb2/481986/

69 American Civil Liberties Union of North Carolina, “ACLU-NC Denounces Passage of Most Extreme Anti-LGBT Bill in the Nation,” March 23, 2016, https://acluofnorthcarolina.org/blog/aclu-nc-denounces-passage-of-most-extreme-anti-lgbt-bill-in-the-nation.html.

70 “Federal Court of Appeals Rules in Favor of Transgender Student in Virginia Restroom Access Case,” American Civil Liberties Union of Virginia, April 19, 2016 https://acluva.org/18447/federal-court-of-appeals-rules-in-favor-of-transgender-student-in-virginia-restroom-access-case/

71 Sarah Warbelow and Remington Gregg, “Hidden Discrimination: Title IX Religious Exceptions Putting LGBT Students at Risk,” Human Rights Campaign, http://hrc-assets.s3-website-us-east-1.amazonaws.com/files/assets/resources/Title_IX_Exemptions_Report.pdf.

72 Scott Jaschik, “Not the First Exemption,” Inside Higher ED, July 15, 2014, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2014/07/15/george-fox-previously-won-exemption-title-ix-so-it-could-discriminate-against.

73 Denny Burk, “A Resolution on Transgender for the SBC,” June 2. 2014, http://www.dennyburk.com/a-resolution-on-transgender-for-the-sbc/.

74 “51 Families Sue Feds, Chicago-area School District for Violating Student Privacy,” Alliance Defending Freedom, May 4, 2016, http://www.adflegal.org/detailspages/press-release-details/51-families-sue-feds-chicago-area-school-district-for-violating-student-privacy.

75 Students and Parents for Privacy v. United States Department of Education, May 4, 2016, http://www.adfmedia.org/files/SPPcomplaint.pdf.

76 Religious Right Research: Alliance Defending Freedom,” Americans United for Separation of Church and State, https://www.au.org/resources/religious-right/alliance-defense-fund-adf.

77 Frederick Clarkson, “When Exemption is the Rule: The Religious Freedom Strategy of the Christian Right,” Political Research Associates, January 12, 2012, http://www.politicalresearch.org/when-exemption-is-the-rule-the-religious-freedom-strategy-of-the-christian-right/#sthash.v1MRBEvp.dpbs.

78 “Laws Enforced by EEOC,” U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, https://www.eeoc.gov/laws/statutes/.

79 “Why the Equality Act?” Human Rights Campaign, http://www.hrc.org/resources/why-the-equality-act.

Left Behind: The Christian Right’s Continued Culture War Promotion Through Hollywood

“The goal of this movie was to not be preachy,” said Paul Lalonde, writer and producer of the new Left Behind movie released last weekend. “You get too preachy, it turns people off. That’s what’s kept faith-based movies in the church basements and out of the theaters.” But the latest Christian Right film to hit the big screen preaches little else other than a reinforcement of the Right’s culture wars.

left behind

The new film, starring Nicolas Cage, follows the action-packed first few hours following the Rapture, when pre-millennial conservative evangelicals believe good Christians will rise to Heaven in accordance with Biblical prophecy, beginning a period of tribulation on Earth that ends with the Second Coming of Jesus Christ. Audiences won’t even meet the Antichrist until the sequel, so those unfamiliar with the book series might miss how Left Behind feeds into right-wing conspiracy theories, opposes peace and social justice, and promotes culture wars-ideology.

Lalonde, CEO of Cloud Ten Pictures and producer of the original low-budget Left Behind films, founded another production company, Stoney Lake Entertainment, to do the reboot and focus “on producing big budget faith-themed films for a wider audience.” “I think it can open a lot of doors that would not have otherwise be opened,” Lalonde told Glenn Beck’s The Blaze, which spent extensive time on set during the filming. “People are fascinated by it. People are fascinated by the idea of the rapture.”

“What makes ‘Left Behind’ different is that it is a contemporary story that could actually happen at any moment,” explains Lalonde. “It’s also a historical account in a sense, because it’s based on a true story, it just hasn’t happened yet.” According to the Pew Research Center, 41% of Americans expect that Jesus Christ will return by 2050. Lalonde himself has “no doubt we are living in the end times [before the Rapture] so therefore it could happen tomorrow that the church is going to be called home and caught up in the air and taken to heaven and that’s what this movie’s about.”

Lalonde’s maxim to not be “too preachy” in the pursuit of mainstream appeal sums up the strategy of not only the new Hollywood movie but the entire franchise of Christian Right adult and children’s books, films, graphic novels, and video games. Tim LaHaye and Jerry Jenkins’ fictional imagining of the Rapture graphically portrays the disaster of car and plane crashes, emotions of families torn apart, and heroes fighting against an evil overlord—a winning combination that has sold 65 million books, secured regular top spots on bestseller lists, and landed a cover story in Time magazine in 2002.

But these books intend more than entertainment; interwoven with the high-tech weaponry, romances, and disasters, LaHaye and Jenkins spin a tale intended to thrill believers, push political agendas, and bring the “unsaved” to Christ by giving them a peek at the suffering awaiting nonbelievers.

When he recruited Jenkins to co-author the Left Behind books, LaHaye was already an established Christian Right leader known for supporting creationism and anti-LGBTQ beliefs. He founded or helped to found a series of right-wing organizations, including the Institute for Creation Research, Jerry Falwell’s Moral Majority, the Council for National Policy, and the Coalition for Traditional Values. He capitalized on his high profile as Left Behind’s author to win over the Christian Right to George W. Bush’s presidential candidacy, and supported education and research on prophecy and pre-tribulation (the period before the Rapture).

Here’s just a brief overview of the series’ political agendas for the blissfully unaware:

The Antichrist rises to power as the secretary-general of the United Nations by promising world peace, expressing and reinforcing right-wing fears of takeover by secular world government and aversion to promoting peace. (“I’ve opposed the United Nations for 50 years,” LaHaye boasts, indicating the storyline was no accident.) According to LaHaye, Jesus does not promise peace, he promises the sword—so any politician promising world peace could be the Antichrist himself. People unacquainted with this belief system sometimes find it difficult to wrap their minds around the idea of being anti-peace, especially since conservative evangelicals typically know better than to voice public criticism in those terms.

Social justice and humanitarian action also fall under the shadow of collaboration with the Antichrist. Religious scholar Glenn Shuck described the Antichrist of the Left Behind series: “His ungodly traits include a silver-tongue, a handsome face, and a devilish charm that he uses to soothe the world during its time of crisis. To unbelievers he seems like a saint or even the Messiah. He works to correct economic inequalities, attempts to end poverty and cure dreaded diseases, and leads the world onto a path of total disarmament.”

In the midst of the battle against the Antichrist, LaHaye and Jenkins work in traditional culture war issues through their array of characters. They slip in an argument about the evils of abortion here, an unpleasant lesbian woman who cannot be saved there. Left Behind: The Kids, a series of 40 short books, provides an opportunity to discuss how the Antichrist’s public schools “persecute” Christian youth for their beliefs, deploying arguments similar to real-world evangelical critiques around issues like school prayer.

Then we have the role of Israel and the Jewish people. The Left Behind narrative, in short: Israel’s preordained role in the Second Coming includes its bloody destruction, while 144,000 Jewish witnesses play their part in publicly converting to Christ. For those interested in how Jews and Israel factor into millennial theology in the present-day Christian Right movement, see Rachel Tabachnick’s 2010 article in The Public Eye magazine, “The New Christian Zionism and the Jews: A Love/Hate Relationship.”

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Conservative Sex-Ed Agenda Fosters Homophobic Environment in Schools

Last month, colorful flags waved proudly and vibrantly in Pride parades across the country. In the U.S., a total of 19 states have legalized same-sex marriage (with more states likely to join soon). Yet too often when we discuss attacks on LBGTQ people, attention focuses solely on same-sex marriage or workplace discrimination. All the while, right-wing groups are also actively targeting public school classrooms under the guise of “religious liberty,” advancing a deeply discriminatory and homophobic agenda.

I'm Gay Not StupidArguably, the most well-known and successful recent use of the “religious liberty” argument is the recent Hobby Lobby Supreme Court case, which has resulted in the devastating loss of comprehensive contraceptive access and basic health care coverage. The implications of the ruling, however, extend far beyond health care, as right-wing groups are also using the “religious liberty” frame to oppose comprehensive sex education and policies that work to make schools safer spaces for LGBTQ students. Instead, they advocate for curricula teaching that abstinence until heterosexual marriage is the only correct method; that same-sex attraction is wrong; that questioning gender identity is unnatural; and that discriminatory environments are permitted and, in some cases, even, to be encouraged.

As the American Health Association recommends, comprehensive sex education “utilizes classroom teachers and other professionals who have … received special training that includes addressing the needs to gay, lesbian, and bisexual youth,” empowering students to understand healthy sexual relationships, gender identity, and sexual orientation. Yet, this is a far cry from what sex ed looks like in most public school classrooms. The Guttmacher Institute’s 2014 Sex and HIV Education reports that only 22 states mandate sex education. Of those, only 12 states require discussion of sexual orientation, with three of them mandating inaccurate and anti-LBGTQ information be provided, such as in Mississippi where teachers instruct students that homosexual activity under the “unnatural statute” is illegal.

This lack of comprehensive sex ed often allows a homophobic environment in schools to flourish. Mental Health America reported that teen students hear anti-gay slurs, such as “homo,” “sissy,” and “faggot” about 26 times a day on average, or once every 14 minutes. Boys as young as nine are being called fags, as author C.J. Pacscoe accounts. A different study done in 2001 showed that 31% of gay youth had been threatened or injured at school in that year alone. This kind of harassment and bullying is certainly exacerbated by the lack of comprehensive sexual education in schools, which might otherwise help affirm the experiences of students of all genders and orientations, and foster an atmosphere of questioning and acceptance rather than silencing, shame, and stigma.

Additionally, Alabama, Arizona, Mississippi, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Texas, and Utah have “Don’t Say Gay” laws. For example, Arizona mandates that “no district shall include in its course of study instruction which… (1) promotes a homosexual life-style…(2) portrays homosexuality as a positive alternative life-style.” (Revised in 2011). Texas and Alabama take it a step further –educators must describe homosexuality as abhorrent to the general public and as a criminal behavior.

Indeed, some of the right-wing organizations advocating for these policies are the same players who were involved in the Hobby Lobby case and other efforts to redefine religious liberty as a right to discriminate.  The Alliance Defending Freedom, for example, was not only a leading proponent of the Hobby Lobby case, but it also worked on a religious liberty bill in Arizona that would have allowed businesses to discriminate against LBGTQ people (later vetoed by the governor). ADF has also publicly and falsely claimed that sex-ed curriculum is a plot by Planned Parenthood doctors to perform more abortions in order to make more money.

Aside from endorsing LBGTQ exclusionary sex-ed curriculum bills, right-wing groups have also opposed efforts to promote diversity and a safe environment for LBGTQ students. Southern Poverty Law Center, in collaboration with school stakeholders, organizes a nationwide annual Mix It Up at Lunch Day event to encourage inclusivity, oppose bullying, and promote tolerance in schools. In 2012, however, the American Family Association (AFA), a leading conservative anti-LGBTQ group, charged SPLC with forcing the acceptance of homosexuality in public schools and the oppression of Christian students, by urging schools to abandon anti-LGBTQ policies. The AFA’s opposition gained traction in Maine, where parents, with the support of Project Marriage Maine, challenged Gorham Middle School’s annual Diversity Day for promoting homosexuality after a lesson on gender diversity prompted a student to ask about safer sex practices for same-sex couples.

Finally, it is worth noting how school privatization efforts further enable and exacerbate these problems of biased sexuality education and discrimination against the LBGTQ community. Private Christian schools, for example, which often are the primary beneficiaries of voucher programs, are allowed to teach (or not teach) whatever they want in regards to sexuality—and can even deny admission outright to LGBTQ students—even as many of these schools are still receiving public tax dollars. As PRA fellow Rachel Tabachnick states, “Exclusion policies [that refuse admission to LGBTQ students] can be found in private schools around the country receiving public funding through school choice programs.” Many of these schools are also instructing children that “homosexual unions must be opposed because God opposes them,” and are also teaching “young earth creationism, bigotry toward other religions, revisionist history, and climate change denial.”

So, as we move beyond a month of Pride celebrations, let us not forget how the anti-LGBTQ agenda of conservative right wing groups has infiltrated the American public education system. Rather than emphasizing equality, open-mindedness, and human rights, intolerance and conservative interpretations of the Bible’s outlook on sexual orientation and gender roles are shaping the curricula and policies of public schools across the country.

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Exploiting the Fear of Exploitation: The Truth Behind the Right’s Resistance to Human Trafficking

Here in the United States, rainbow flags are being unfurled across the country in honor of LGBT Pride Month. Meanwhile, in Brazil, fans from around the world are eagerly waving the flags of their countries and favorite teams in anticipation of the 2014 FIFA World Cup. Beyond the flag-waving and weeks of revelry, there may seem to be few connections between the two events, but the U.S. Christian Right will be tracking the events in both San Francisco and Rio de Janeiro very closely.

image credit: http://www.pivotlegal.org/supreme_court_of_canada_will_hear_challenge_to_canada_s_prostitution_laws

image credit: http://www.pivotlegal.org/supreme_court_of_canada_will_hear_challenge_to_canada_s_prostitution_laws

As with many major sporting events, preparations for the World Cup have been accompanied by lots of media hype about the supposed surge in sex trafficking that plagues these gatherings. Texas Attorney General Greg Abbott has claimed that the Super Bowl (featuring the other football) is the single largest sex trafficking incident in the United States. At a House Foreign Affairs Committee hearing about trafficking and sports events held on January 27, Rep. Chris Smith (R-NJ) cited a popular statistic from the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, claiming that 10,000 prostitutes were transported to Miami for the 2010 Super Bowl.

Yet when questioned, researchers at the Center admit that they have no idea how Ernie Allen, the organization’s former president, derived the number. In fact, in a 2011 report examining the record on sex trafficking related to World Cup soccer games, the Olympics, and the Super Bowl, the Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women found that “despite massive media attention, law enforcement measures and efforts by prostitution abolitionist groups, there is no empirical evidence that trafficking for prostitution increases around large sporting events.”

So what is the relationship between quests for athletic glory and hyperbolic increases in human trafficking? In short, the Christian Right has identified the fight against human trafficking as an un-opposable mission by which it can covertly promote restrictive ideologies pertaining to sexuality and bodily autonomy. While they purport to be nobly fighting the exploitation of young children and poor, defenseless women, Christian Right groups advance a surreptitious attack on some of the their favorite scapegoats: LGBTQ people – especially transgender women of color, who are disproportionately targeted by police and “anti-trafficking” efforts.

Consider Project ROSE, a “prostitution diversion” program jointly developed by 15 partner organizations, including the Phoenix Police Department, Arizona State University School of Social Work, and Catholic Charities (its primary funding source). During bi-annual stings, Project ROSE profiles and arrests suspected sex workers, forcing them into faith-based programs without due process or a conviction. Participants who don’t qualify (as was the case with Monica Jones) or refuse to participate in the program, are transferred directly into the criminal punishment system.

image credit: http://www.chethstudios.net/2010/06/fifa-world-cup-south-africa-2010.html

image credit: http://www.chethstudios.net/2010/06/fifa-world-cup-south-africa-2010.html

In a New York Times op-ed published earlier this year, Kate Mogulescu, the supervising attorney of a project at the Legal Aid Society that represents nearly all of the people arrested on prostitution charges in New York City, documented a massive increase in prostitution-related arrests in the lead-up to the 2014 Seattle/Denver Super Bowl showdown. But by the end of the weekend, not a single trafficker had been investigated or prosecuted. Ultimately, the anti-trafficking frenzy hurt the very people that advocates claimed to be protecting. Hundreds of sex workers–who are already vulnerable–found themselves facing jail time, potential deportation, warrants for failure to appear in court, and lifelong criminal records. As Mogulescu observes, “These arrests are not indications of an increase in prostitution activity, but rather of an increase in policing.”

Certainly, the abuse, manipulation, and exploitation of others is unacceptable in any context, and should be confronted and stopped. Yet conservative religious groups, lobbyists, and legislators have done little to curb the harmful elements of the sex trade. Rather, they use anti-trafficking policies to maintain a righteous “tough on crime” image while ignoring the broader systemic issues that put people at risk for exploitation in the first place. The Right’s focus on sex trafficking has far more to do with restricting individuals’ bodily autonomy—and maintaining the poverty-induced subservience of already marginalized people—than with ending the exploitation of vulnerable populations.

As feminist scholar and activist Emi Koyama observes, the youth sex trade is fueled by a variety of “push” and “pull” factors independent of religious morality or women’s empowerment, including poverty, racism, sexism, homophobia/transphobia, family violence, failure of the child welfare system, and the effects of incarceration and deportation on family cohesion. To be truly effective, efforts to combat sex trafficking and its associated human rights violations must be developed in partnership with sex workers and their allies. As Koyama points out, it is “workers organizing among themselves that [has] successfully challenged and transformed exploitative and abusive working conditions, not police officers or politicians.” (Or, I might add, the Christian Right.)

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The Making of God Loves Uganda: A Web Exclusive Interview with Roger Ross Williams

Roger Ross Williams is a television and film writer, director, and producer whose most recent project, the documentary God Loves Uganda, focuses on the work of American evangelical Christian missionaries in Africa. Williams decided to focus on Uganda after a bill that would make homosexuality punishable by death was debated in the country’s Parliament in 2009. His research for the project began with Globalizing the Culture Wars (2009), a report published by Political Research Associates (PRA) and written by PRA’s religion and sexuality researcher, Rev. Dr. Kapya Kaoma.
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Boy Scouts, Transgender Youth, and Delaware’s “Bathroom Bill”

transgenderThe Boy Scouts of America (BSA) last month made a historic reversal of its long-time ban on gay scouts, now allowing openly gay youth to join .  BSA still excludes openly gay men from serving as leaders, however, and the issue of whether to admit transgender youth has been left out of the dialogue surrounding this major decision.

This general silence around the organization’s transgender policy represents a barrier to further progress and is in lockstep with behaviors of other conservative organizations.  The transgender rights movement, while making strides in several states, is still considered by many to be dwarfed by the larger marriage equality movement focused on helping the “LGB” (lesbian, gay, bisexual) population within the LGBT acronym. Yet transgender children arguably are the most in need of legal protections.

On June 19, the Delaware state legislature made an effort to ensure justice and protections for transgender residents of the state by passing the Gender Identity Nondiscrimination Act.  It outlaws discrimination against transgender people and makes Delaware the seventeenth state to pass such legislation. Massachusetts passed similar legislation barring discrimination within the context of public education.  Read More

The Legal Arm of the Christian Right

Inside the American Center for Law and Justice

Jay Sekulow of the American Center for Law and Justice with 2012 Republican president candidate Mitt Romney in 2007, consulting during GOP meetings around 2008 presidential nominations.. — Photo by Joe Raedle/Getty Images.

After his unsuccessful 1988 presidential bid mobilized Christian Right voters, televangelist Pat Robertson channeled his campaign’s energy into forming two influential right-wing organizations. One was the voter mobilization powerhouse the Christian Coalition of America; the other was the American Center for Law and Justice (ACLJ).

Make no mistake, the similarity of the American Center for Law and Justice’s name and acronym–ACLJ– to the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) is no accident. Robertson declared that he founded the group to “stop the ACLU in court.”1 The group claims that “activist judges” and liberal attorneys from the American Civil Liberties Union and the Department of Justice have made the judicial branch antagonistic to the rights of Christians, purporting to serve supposedly persecuted Christians by representing them in the courtroom, drafting proposed laws, and promoting a right-wing interpretation of the Constitution.
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